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See Melissa L. Drummond Ayres, Jr. Coco Fusco, ed. Noriega and Ana M. Avery F. For instance, the debates and controversy surrounding the recent census counts indicating that Latinos now outnumber African Americans in the United States. Dunn, The Militarization of the U.

In the case of Salvadoran immigrants, see Sarah J. Waves of immigration from Mexico have been an important topic of research in cultural studies. Raphael Samuel Boston: Routledge and K. Paul, , Their work helped shaped the field of Chicana and Latina cultural studies and intersectional studies in general. Frances R.


Media, ed. Arlene M. Gaines, Jr. Angharad N. Kevin R.

Esperon, Peter Magulies writes, Our blind spots were numerous. Most seriously, we did not acknowledge that Ms.

Latino a Popular Culture

The combination of these three factors marginalized Ms. Esperon not only within the larger society, but also within groups who share one or two marginalizing factors with Ms. Trinh T. They are all white.

And in these stations they are all white. They all look South American. They are racist. TRINY: Yeah, we all have different elements in us, we have whites, Africans, you know, we are a mix of all those people, but even in commercials, all you see is white people eating Goya beans.

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My discussion is based on a year-long ethnographic research project on the making of Hispanic advertisements for Spanish TV, which included some focus group discussions exploring their reception by the people toward whom they were geared. All participants had lived in New York from three to fifteen years and many had been born in the city and were quite knowledgeable about the U.

Hispanic media environment. What follows are excerpts of these discussions and my analysis, which I offer not as conclusive statements of how all U. Latinos react to representations of Latinidad, an issue rarely studied.

Specifically, during their discussions of the media, participants would consistently draw on their perception of their place and that of others within these existing hierarchies while simultaneously expressing and communicating particularized identities along the lines of race, class, or ethnicity using the same conventions of Latinidad disseminated by the Spanish and Latino-oriented media.

I will therefore suggest that while Spanish and Latino-oriented media have undoubtedly contributed to Latinization—the consolidation of a common Latino identity among different Latino subgroups—they have also helped forge and trigger existing hierarchies of evaluation among members of ostensibly the same group. One participant bemoaned the fact that there was too much Mexican programming, leaving little room for shows targeted to other nationalities.

To contextualize these comments we must note that, though the U.

Hispanic TV networks project and sell themselves as the representative media of U. Spanish networks have tended to draw most of their programming and talent from the largest media exporting countries in Latin America, such as Mexico and to a lesser degree Venezuela, leading to a preponderance of Mexican actors and talent in the U. Spanish airwaves. Also highly represented in the U. Hispanic media and marketing industry since the s.

Again, such dominance of some Latino subgroups and the ensuing exclusions of others did not go unnoticed by focus group participants, who were quick to draw a connection between the whiteness of the world of Spanish TV and the dominance in it of some Latino groups over others. Thus, revealingly, when participants bemoaned the dominance of whiter and Mediterranean Hispanic models, it was Cubans and Mexicans who some participants blamed for this trend.

Interestingly, the whiteness of the world of Spanish TV was of greater concern among the U. Additionally, among U. Indeed, representations of Latinidad in the Spanish TV networks, when not revolving around generic representations that prioritize white Mediterranean Hispanic actors and talent, have generally reduced each Latino subgroup to a particular cultural index, be it music, race, or an artist.

A Puerto Rican participant demanded to know why it was that when black Latinos were shown, if at all, they were always Puerto Rican, when in fact there are Puerto Ricans of all races and, like Argentineans, Puerto Ricans can also be blonde. Moreover, by associating different nationalities with particular ethnic indexes, the Spanish and Latino-oriented media end up negating the actual cross-fertilization that does occur among and across Latino subgroups.

After all, Latinos do not live and operate from neatly defined ethnic enclaves isolated from other subgroups, and nowhere is this more evident than in New York City, which features one of the most heterogeneous U. Latino populations.

The Cambridge History of Latin America

The discussion revolved around La Mega The overall tone of the stations is irreverent— imagine a Latin Howard Stern full of sexual imagery and innuendos— and consequently, the goal of appealing to the Dominicans became tantamount to the D. Thus, during a discussion among a group of Spanish-dominant Latinos, mostly South American Colombian and Ecuadorian and one Cuban as well as one Dominican participant, not surprisingly La Mega and the Dominican participant were soon turned into the embodiment of Dominican culture and hence of the stereotypes about Dominicans and Hispanic Caribbeans.

Briefly, one of the Colombian women denounced the sexual innuendo that pervades the dialogue between the D. In reality, however, such strict associations of countries and particular types of music are quite superfluous. Moreover, such comments were also intertwined with issues of class, which were similarly indexed and negotiated in relation to various media and in reference to particular nationalities.

At the same time, I am not suggesting that New York Puerto Ricans were mere victims of these hierarchies of representation. They too asserted their standing and identity in ways that simultaneously demeaned other Latino subgroups, and these dynamics were also communicated through their discussion of particular media.

A general trend among U. During these discussions, participants would identify Latin hip hop artists whom they had discovered were Latin, such as Fat Joe or Big Punisher, or African Americans they had thought were Latin, but in fact were not, pointing out in this way the mutability and cross-fertilization between black and Latino youth culture, and so highlighting the contributions of Latin artists to rap and hip hop.

In particular, discussions of the media by young U. HERB: Just for older people. I am twenty-five, you know, and I was thinking that every time I pass my sister [i. While I was recruiting participants for the focus groups, more than one English-dominant youth declined to participate on the grounds that he or she spoke no Spanish, until I explained that my study included all Latinos, be they code switchers or Spanish- or English-dominant.

Another recruit who failed to appear in the focus group had identified herself as a second-generation Puerto Rican and a Latina, but was ready to add that she may not be the right person for this study because she neither spoke Spanish nor watched the Spanish-language channels, as if qualifying her own authenticity as a Latina on the grounds that she lacked the right language and media TALKING B ACK 35 skills.

It is therefore important to problematize the strict association promoted between Spanish and Latinidad by the Spanish media. Indeed, not surprisingly, putting down the Spanish TV networks surfaced as a common strategy among U.

As was evident in the exchange above, they saw Spanish-language media as predictable, boring, and alien to their everyday realities. This stance, however, was not without problems. It was at the cost of the Spanish TV media, which along with its viewers were put down as unsophisticated and tacky, that the youth communicated their greater sophistication and street smarts. It is important to recognize, however, that this category was always a central reference in all the discussions, functioning as a recourse that participants mobilized as needed.

After all, all comments were made in terms of a generalizable Latino culture, bringing to the forefront the fact that despite all their critical assessments of the U.

Separately and collectively, the responses suggested that, despite their criticisms of the category of Latinidad and its representation in the media, participants have in fact internalized, or made theirs, particular dynamics and conventions of Latinidad disseminated in the media.

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After all, an overarching assumption in these discussions was that the Spanish and Latino-oriented media were beholden to and needed to be representative of all Latinos. My guess is that participants were all too aware of this predicament; hence their abiding concern with the representativeness or lack thereof of these productions.

The groups included three Spanish-dominant groups ranging from the late twenties to mid-sixties, with an average age of thirty-eight, one of South Americans, mostly Colombians and Ecuadorians, another of Puerto Ricans and Dominicans, and a third made up exclusively of Mexicans. All the groups were moderated by me, except the focus group with the Mexican informants. Latino population.

The distinction between transnational and ethnic media is discussed by Naficy and the Latin American foundations of U. London: Routledge, Aparicio, Frances R. Bourgois, Philippe. In Search of Respect. Selling Crack in El Barrio. New York: Cambridge University Press, Latinos Inc. Berkeley: University of California Press, Duany, Jorge.

Grosfoguel, Ramon, and Chloe S. New York: Columbia University Press, Naficy, Hamid. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, Rivera, Raquel. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, Smith, Robert.

Gabriel Haslip-Viera and Sherrie L. Baver, 57— Tomas Rivera Policy Institute on Television. Research Report. Claremont, CA.Rivera, Raquel. Mattel seemed genuinely surprised at the unforeseen entanglement.

Such evocations have been likened to the quest by German romantics of the same period for an unbridled release of domestic tradition. Cambridge University Press decided the time was ripe to embark on a Cambridge History of Latin America early in the s.

For him, vicariously perhaps, the tango was the vivacious, erotic dance of the harbour's brothels. After all, an overarching assumption in these discussions was that the Spanish and Latino-oriented media were beholden to and needed to be representative of all Latinos.

What images and symbols are employed? For Europe now experienced the crisis of nerve associated with technification, commodification, alienation and rampant violence as these found expression in Marxian contradictions, Spenglerian decadence, Freudian invasions of the subconscious, and of course, industrialism and the First World War.